Theological Political Treatise – Gebhardt Edition
Theological Political Treatise Gebhardt Edition
Rational examination of the Old Testament to show that freedom of thought and speech is consistent with the religious life. True religion consists in practice of simple piety, independent of philosophical speculation. Also unfinished essay on theory of government founded on common consent. One of Spinoza's most important works. R. Elwes translation.
User Ratings and Reviews
5 Stars A deconstruction of the bible as a plea for religious freedom
This book came out in 1670 in a Holland that was a haven of freedom in a Europe under religious terror. Spinoza's relatives in Portugal had been murdered by the inquisition. When he was born, German catholics and protestants were fighting a 30-year war that cut Germany's population in half. 20 years before in Italy, Giordano Bruno had been burned at the stake for heresy, and France had been ravaged by its 16th-century religious wars. Religious violence abated only slowly after Spinoza's death, with
the Salem witchcraft trials 16 years later. On 7/1/1766, after failing to salute a catholic procession in Paris, an 19-year old boy had his tongue pulled out, and was beheaded and burned with a copy of a book found in his room! Today's death threats to Danish cartoonists hint at what Spinoza's world was like, and the courage it took for him to confront it. Besides living in Holland, Spinoza further protected his freedom by staying single, living with the bare minimum of possessions, and seeking no official post or recognition.
The point of this book, as announced in the preface, is that, as was practiced in his beloved Dutch republic, freedom of religion can be granted without prejudice to public peace and that, "without such freedom, piety cannot flourish nor the public peace be secure." Today, this point is obvious: the G7 countries, all have freedom of religion, and five of them — the US, Japan, France, Italy and Canada — have separation of church and state. In Spinoza's day, it wasn't, and he couldn't make his case based on empirical evidence. Instead, he makes it by deconstructing the Bible using Descartes' method, which is an astonishing choice. If Machiavelli, for example, had undertaken to prove the same point, he certainly would not have done it this way.
Spinoza spent his childhood memorizing the Torah in Hebrew, at the time and in the city where Descartes lived, and his fascination with Descartes is obvious even if their metaphysics disagree. One of Descartes' own applications of his method was on the art of cutting glasses for optics, which is how Spinoza earned his modest living. Among the many astonishing finds in this book is how, by simply reasoning on the original text, Spinoza arrived at conclusions on the authorship of the early books of the bible that nearly match those of modern scholars like Abba Eban, who have had full access to archeological evidence.
5 Stars Invaluable addition to any Spinoza Library
This is a wonderful translation of one of Benedict De Spinoza's most important works. Here he explains in great detail not only the Biblical exegesis for which he was excommunicated, but also expounds with great richness and unique insight on political systems. A seminal work in the history of thought, providing marvelous insight into one of the great minds in human history. A very good introduction goes very thoroughly into detail about the discrepancies between what he published and what he might truly have thought.
5 Stars Philosophy, the Elite, and the Future
"Men would never be superstitious, if they could govern all their circumstances by set rules, or if they were always favored by fortune…" Thus begins one of the greatest books in the history of philosophy. Spinoza is an esoteric writer; he doesn't shout everything he has to say, though an attentive reader has a chance, however slight, to discern at least part of it. The existence of this philosophical-political esotericism, first adequately described by Leo Strauss (in "Spinoza's Critique of Religion"), is now on the verge of becoming generally accepted. For a very good example of this new, but qualified, acceptance of Spinoza's esotericism from a left/postmodern perspective, check out the recent collection of essays, "The New Spinoza", edited by Montag & Stolze, especially the essay by Andre Tosel.
But the history of Spinoza reception is another story and another review. Many modern readers of Spinoza speak with vague unease about Spinoza's 'elitism', supposing it to be but another slight of the poor, weak and uneducated; we can perhaps begin to gauge the full length, breadth and depth of this philosophical 'elitism', and its true target, in a focused reading of the opening pages of the Preface to the Theologico-Political Treatise. "The human mind is readily swayed this way or that in times of doubt, especially when hope and fear are struggling for the mastery, though usually it is boastful, over-confident, and vain." Thus the problem with Man is not, strictly speaking, merely a lack of knowledge (and therefore the problem is not merely a lack of education) but also, and perhaps most importantly, a lack of self-control.
Immediately, Spinoza follows this sentence by saying, "[t]his as a general fact I suppose everyone knows, though few, I believe, know their own nature…" There is a disconnect not only between knowing and doing but also between 'knowing' in general and knowing oneself. In order to do good how important is it to know yourself? There are several ways to understand this. One possible way is to say that even those ('sainted' elites) that 'know' are, nevertheless, unable to control their emotional behavior. Perhaps it is even this emotiveness that is especially vulnerable to superstition…
But men, "in prosperity, are so over-brimming with wisdom [...] that they take every offer of advice as a personal insult"! Still, we are not surprised to read that "…superstition's chief victims are those persons who greedily covet temporal advantages…". (Note that it is not chiefly ordinary people that 'greedily covet temporal advantages' nor is it said that they are 'in prosperity'.) And, a little later, we learn that these people "are wont with prayers and womanish tears to implore help from God…". Indeed, Spinoza, when giving an example of this despicable behavior under duress turns to no less an exemplar than Alexander the Great – and his superstitious seeking of advice from seers. Now, the use of Alexander in this regard is a vital clue in our attempt to understand Spinoza's esotericism (i.e., his 'political' philosophy). The question is this: If Spinoza is indeed an elitist, exactly what is the position that can look down on not only the common people but also the actual 'elite'; i.e., the religious and political leaders?
Well, of course, Spinoza is a philosopher; indeed he is one of the greatest. This understanding of philosophy, as the heights from which one looks down on everyone, is an old one. See, for instance, Averroes (in the so-called 'Decisive Treatise') for an overt example of the philosophical attempt to control a faction of the medieval elite (i.e., the theologians) with another faction of the medieval elite – the Islamic Jurists. Also, one should of course consider Machiavelli's Prince for a somewhat more circumspect (or covert) example of philosophy attempting to control the direction of politics and the political elite. Spinoza's decision to view politics and theology (or politicians and theologians) as dangers that need to be moderated philosophically is thus not unprecedented. Also, on this line of thought one should perhaps also take into account Nietzsche who, in the 'Genealogy of Morals', seems to go so far as to present history itself as a struggle between priestly and warrior noble castes…
In electing to use Alexander as an example of superstition Spinoza is indicating that philosophy is above both religion and politics. Indeed, Spinoza continues in a (ahem) 'Nietzschean' vein and says, "that prophets have most power among the people, and are most formidable to rulers, precisely at those times when the state is in most peril. I think this is sufficiently plain to all, and will therefore say no more on the subject." Well perhaps not entirely plain; this basically says, for those that have ears to hear: 'Statesman! Either satisfy the common people or forfeit your right to rule to the prophets and their theologians.' Thus the 'war' between priestly and warrior castes was quietly noted, by Spinoza, long before Nietzsche. As an aside I should perhaps note that one also finds oneself (perhaps) nervously asking, at this point, are people today 'satisfied'?
Kojeve, the architect of the most recent apotheosis of the political (i.e., the Universal Homogenous State), seems to confirm this interpretation (in his "Introduction to the Reading of Hegel") by saying that as "long as History continues, or as long as the perfect State is not realized [...] the opposition of these two points of view (the "philosophical" and the religious or theological) is inevitable." Of course Kojeve, following a Hegel that never existed, attempts to convince us that politics and philosophy are exactly the same and that theology was ever nothing. His mistake, from the viewpoint of philosophy, can perhaps be said to be that he took sides in the interminable war between elites. …But that is another story. However, Kojeve is correct insofar as he is understood to be maintaining that there is an unbridgeable gulf between the political and the religious…
Back to Spinoza. Satisfying the common people seems to be easier said than done. In a terrifyingly memorable passage – that is both a diagnosis and a prophecy – Spinoza writes, "[f]or, as the mass of mankind remains always at about the same pitch of misery, it never assents long to any one remedy, but is always best pleased by a novelty which has not yet proved illusive." Thus, given the perpetual emotional dissatisfaction of the people, Spinoza seems to be indicating that no one ever rules for long. He also seems to be indicating that emotions (at least among the 'mass of mankind') are uncontrollable and that the people are, in the long run, unsatisfiable. (…So exactly what is Enlightenment – and exactly why is Spinoza supporting it? …Hmmm.)
"Superstition, then, is engendered, preserved and fostered by fear", Spinoza had earlier said. But fear is an opportunity for philosophy, I mean for philosophical intervention. Machiavelli (in 'The Prince', chapter 6), after all, had already confirmed that the oppression, dissatisfaction and dispersal of the people was, above all, an opportunity for the creative One. Spinoza says that, "Prophets have most power among the people, and are most formidable to rulers, precisely at those times when the state is in most peril." The fundamental argument (and struggle), of course, between philosophers and the political-religious elites, seems to be over the exact identity of the creative One. For the religiously inclined the creative one is God and those who act in his name, for the politically 'pious' the creative one is the (hereditary, patriotic or revolutionary) 'Prince'. For Machiavelli, Spinoza, and Nietzsche one suspects that, 'behind the scenes and between the lines', the creative one (the bringer of New Modes and Orders, to quote Machiavelli) can only be the philosopher.
Spinoza continues, quoting Curtius (the historian of Alexander): "The mob has no ruler more potent than superstition," and Spinoza immediately adds, "and is easily led, on the plea of religion, at one moment to adore its kings as gods, and anon to execrate and abjure them as humanity's common bane." Thus 'superstition' would seem potentially to be either a weapon of the religious or the political… This is a warning; but to exactly whom seems to be a bit unclear. I should mention that it is not impossible to read Machiavelli, with his high praise of ancient pagan religion, to be indicating much the same: that is, the necessary permanence of superstition. …But, exactly what can and can't be done with superstition?
The way out of this (seemingly) unpredictable and uncontrollable mess? One possible solution, according to Spinoza, is given by the 'Turk'. They have instituted a system that invests "religion, whether true or false, with such pomp and ceremony, that it may rise superior to every shock…" Of course, as Spinoza indicates, this absolutism leaves no room for either individual freedom or a thoughtful philosophy. But then Spinoza adds, "yet in a free state no more mischievous expedient could be planned or attempted." So, after discussing (and discounting) the possibility of theocracy (the Turks) Spinoza advocates the system allegedly reigning in Amsterdam: freedom and commerce. (Whew!)
Now, in case some have been asleep for the past 300 years, I will point out that the rise of democracy was not always accomplished peaceably, nor, after its rise, has it been able to always maintain the peace. The test of being able to maintain the peace that Spinoza flings in the face of the Religion of his times can today, with equal appropriateness, be flung in the face of politics. I of course mean all politics. …But that too is another book and another review.
Spinoza can be said to here begin a process that leads to us. I hope I have begun the process of showing that the target of Spinoza's contempt was not the common people, but the ignorance and weakness of all their tormenters. I also want to note, given both the nature of these elites and also the perpetual suffering of the people, that all solutions are transient. And that the early-modern philosophical turn to the politicos, made in the teeth of ceaseless religious war, was only a maneuver. Over the past century philosophy found itself again in an era of civil wars, revolutions and world wars; – one wonders where philosophy will now turn in its never-ending struggle to moderate elites…
Who will write the next Theologico-Political Treatise that will do to political Ideology what Spinoza here does to religious Revelation? Where is the next 'novelty'?
5 Stars A GREAT AND RELEVANT WORK OF GENIUS
There are two points about the treatise I wish to talk about.
Spinoza's view of miracles in the Bible (Old Testament). He took up a trend that began years before. Maimonidese, for example, gives species survival, not Sin in the Garden, as the
reason for death. Spinoza takes all alerations in natural law
stated in the Bible to be poetic or symbolic, not real and not consistent with the Nature of God.
Secondly, Spinoza defends democracy over other forms of government is that in democracies there are numerous factions,
and it is difficult for any one faction to grain arbitrary power
as to engage in wars. For example, though not mentioned by Spinoza, Peter The Great saw one year alone as Czar when Russia was not at war. Spinoza thinks this sort of thing less probable in democratic government. Democracy's value is that it leadss to free, unhindered discussion of matters at hand. He does not exactly say it, but I think Spinoza took free and open discussion of issues as the principal "Sine qua non" of democracy. This is quite relevant to current US foreign and domestic policy. In early 2006 Harvard University's Kennedy School of Government publish a study by a
Harvard professor and another from U of Chicago on the Israel lobby; the study contends that US foreign policy is dictated by The Lobby, meaning Jewish pressure groups acting on Congress and the White House regardless of political party. The professors contend that free discussion and debate are impossible when "The Lobby" has a particular position. Congressmen and Senators live in fear of Jewish funding of opponents, smear tactics and other similar actions. They describe the Prime Minister in Israel as saying he had President Bush (the second) "wrapped around his finger." The Giant Question is: within Spinoza's notion of democracy, does Judaism de facto oppose democratic government and is Judaism inconsistent with democratic/representative government in a diverse democracy? The answer is of utmost importance. Another aspect of democracy is defended by Spinoza's argument for free and open and fearless debate is that fundamental decisions that shape society and direct governmental actions will be done in this open, fearless, free environment. The Suypreme Court's string of decisions starting in 1940 making states subject to the "Bill of Rights" is the antithesis of democracy.
Spinoza is a great introduction to real thought. And the Tretise is not difficult reading at all.
A great assignment for High School government or History.
4 Stars As important as ever
Spinoza's monumental treatise on God, the Bible and the Society is one of the founderstones of modern thought, and does not need any new reviews. Many ideas expressed in the book can serve as models for standpoints also today in the intellectual debate about matters of religious freedom, critical analysis of texts and ideas, and political theory. The English translation in the Gebhardt Edition is clear and easily understood, and the book can be read without feeling the three centuries that have passed since the original was published in Latin. In the context of a new emerging wave of religious fundamentalism on one hand, and post-modernist denials of the importance of Reason on the other, the book is as important as ever to the intellectual heritage of modern Society.
Related posts:
- Moral Man and Immoral Society – A Study of Ethics and Politics – Library of Theological Ethics
- Luther and Calvin on Secular Authority Cambridge Texts in the History of Political Thought
- Religion and Politics – Faith Determines Political Party
- The Middle East Today – Political, Geographical and Cultural Perspectives
- The Civil War as a Theological Crisis
- Morality and Moral Controversies – Readings in Moral Social and Political Philosophy 8th Edition
- The Quotable Atheist – Ammunition for Non-Believers, Political Junkies, Gadflies and Those Generally Hell Bound
- A Treatise on White Magic or The Way of the Disciple
- Render Unto Caesar – Serving the Nation by Living our Catholic Beliefs in Political Life
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